The subjugation of the Afrikaner


The legendary Afrikaans writer, NP van Wyk Louw, wrote interestingly about the challenges of the Afrikaner people 72 years ago in 1952. Obviously, Louw could not look into the future and predict exactly what Afrikaners would have to contend with almost three quarters of a century later.

For example, he could not foresee that the National Party (NP) would cede power to the Afrikaner-unfriendly black socialist African National Congress (ANC). Nevertheless, Louw’s explanations at the time of the dangers to which the Afrikaner people were exposed are still strikingly relevant for the current time and it is appropriate to recall them.

Louw pointed to three dangers for the Afrikaner people. The first is discussed in this discussion while the other two come up in the next two discussions. To that can of course be added further risks, which are specific to our current times, which however are not covered in this short series.

Louw discussed the three dangers he saw in “Culture in crisis”. The first is the danger of military overrun. Related to this is the “ploughing” as Louw called it, that is to say, the assimilation of the people through things like mass immigration.

These threats are typically external in nature, that is, threats from outside the Afrikaner people themselves. This must be distinguished from the other two that Louw noticed, which have an internal origin, that is to say, threats that the Afrikaner causes to himself and which is the subject of the second and third discussions.

The Afrikaner has of course experienced all the external threats Louw talks about before. He himself refers to the military overpowering due to the power of Britain during the Second Anglo-Boer War from 1899 to 1902.

The risk of “underplowing” (or plowing in) is equally well known to us Afrikaners.

This is what British High Commissioner Alfred Milner’s policy came down to, namely to bring large-scale British immigrants to South Africa after the Anglo-Boer War, in order to assimilate the Afrikaner people and absorb them into the English world – and let them disappear. Fortunately, the policy failed. As a result, Afrikaner-dominated political parties were enabled to gain control over three of the four colonies that later formed the Union of South Africa (the Transvaal Colony, the Orange River Colony and the Cape) from 1906, and finally after Union in 1910 the entire Union of South Africa.

The political control enabled Afrikaners to increasingly determine their own destiny over time and consequently to guard against the risk of things like mass immigration and similar forms of assimilation – subjugation.

The Pact government under General JBM Hertzog, a coalition of the NP and largely English-speaking Labor Party, came to power one hundred years ago, after the general election of 17 June 1924. This Afrikaner-dominated government was able to ward off the risk of assimilation more effectively. In that era of many poor whites, more specifically Afrikaners, it was especially assimilation into the large black majority that was feared. Several measures that enforced racial segregation, as well as measures to protect and benefit whites, and in fact especially Afrikaners in the labor market, were adopted and intensified, which significantly reduced this risk.

At the same time, there were strong initiatives from the Afrikaans civic institutions to uplift Afrikaners socially. This forged closer ties among Afrikaners and at the same time reduced the risk of assimilation.

Equally important was the emergence of Afrikaans school and post-school education, which can similarly be regarded as the most important element of Afrikaner unity and upliftment.

With the transition to an ANC government in 1994, the risk of under-plowing, although many did not realize it and did not want to realize it, drastically worsened. The ANC follows a policy of “nation building”. For the uninformed, it may sound deceptively beautiful, but nation-building projects come as political scientist prof. Walker Connor pointed out, usually pointing to the opposite: to nation (people) disintegration and destruction.

According to the ANC, a single nation must be created for the South African state. According to this, apart from in the narrow private sphere, no space is left for the recognition and living of special languages ​​and cultures. This policy is particularly to the detriment of Afrikaners and similar Afrikaans-speakers because Afrikaans is the one language in South Africa that is the most developed next to English and therefore can suffer much more damage than any other language due to the imposition of the idea of ​​a single nation . The Afrikaner people as a clearly demarcated cultural community with its own institutions also runs the greatest risk of cultural loss and ultimately of total undermining.

In fact, we have already experienced how the ANC government has gone to great lengths to harm Afrikaners and Afrikaans. Afrikaans has been almost completely removed from the public sphere. As a result, the so-called official status of Afrikaans under the Constitution amounts to hardly more than a cynical joke. The hostility against Afrikaners is apparently also getting worse, as the Bela bill is currently testifying.

These types of projects ultimately amount to a kind of state religion (state religion) according to the view of the dominant power in politics – in the case of South Africa according to the ANC. Accordingly, the South African state is considered to be essentially a homogeneous English-speaking African state. Everyone is then required to recreate themselves, as it were, in the image of this state and accept an identity in the image of the state.

This kind of ideology is discussed in detail in Politocracy: a survey of the coercive logic of the territorial state and thoughts for an answer to itespecially chapter 6.

It is also by no means a new phenomenon and has been used by leftist, rightist and liberal governments across the spectrum since the French revolution to enforce homogeneity and thereby remove peoples, languages ​​and cultural communities from the scene of history in favor of a general state identity. This phenomenon is discussed in the next article in the Journal of Humanities in discussed.

Against the onslaught of this nation-building project of under-plowing, Afrikaners are indeed in a very difficult situation. Still, we are not helpless. There are key strategic forces that count in Afrikaners’ favor: in contrast to the unprecedented naivety that prevailed in the first years after the constitutional transition in 1994, we have developed a relatively good insight into the challenge we face; we are culturally active and we are relatively well organized, knowledgeable and capital strong.

However, our strategy to neutralize under-plowing must be clear and actionable. This involves having self-governing institutions: own schools, technical colleges, universities – and finally also own self-governing areas.

Achieving this is difficult, among other things because we are a small minority spread over a large area of ​​South Africa’s territory.

Nevertheless, much has already been achieved, as evidenced by the growing Sol-Tech, Akademia, private schools, numerous DIY actions and of course Orania. This achievement should not be underestimated. This already works against under-plowing and demonstrates that Afrikaners can successfully tackle large projects without government power and resources.

In the times now at hand, we will still have to establish and develop many of our own institutions. Included in that is that Afrikaners will still have to resettle on a large scale within the borders of South Africa, in other words semi-migrate. However, this must be done strategically, namely with a view to coming together in large numbers in order to make our own institutions permanently viable and at the same time build self-governing areas.

Some of the areas where we resettle, such as Orania and others likely to follow, will be exclusively Afrikaner areas; others such as Pretoria and the Western Cape and the Southern Cape house large numbers of Afrikaners, but together with many other people. However, Afrikaners in Pretoria are numerous enough to accommodate institutions such as Akademia and Sol-Tech and numerous such educational, cultural, business, labor and whatever other institutions, which can serve Afrikaner interests all over the country and meet numerous Afrikaner needs. meet, wherever Afrikaners may find themselves.

As for Orania and similar areas, it is desired that it develops into a small to medium-sized city, surrounded by a limited heartland. In fact in Orania this idea is already taking concrete form.

Exactly how this concentration and self-government will take shape is not yet entirely clear. What is clear is that concentrated settlement in a number of places, over which Afrikaners exercise varying degrees of self-government, is Afrikaners’ future and at the same time offers the answer to under-ploughing.

Afrikaners’ future seems to look very different from the past – the past of the White-controlled South Africa and the past of the Boer republics.

Therefore, something of the nature of Afrikaner rule over vast areas of South Africa belongs permanently to bygone days. Trying to restore Afrikaner or white government over the whole of South Africa or over the territories of the old Boer republics is not politics; it’s pure nostalgia – nothing more.

Nevertheless, there is an important consistency, in fact an essential consistency. It is that Afrikaners are still faithful to the ideal of self-government.

As in the past, it naturally makes high demands. One of them is that over time we will shift our interests geographically – our places of work and places of residence. We are going to move, as of course is already happening to a significant extent.

But after all, as Hugh Brogan says in the first sentence of his great work on US history: “Human history has largely been the story of migrations“. And if there is one people who know this from experience, it is the Afrikaners, who came to the Cape from Western Europe, spread here and also moved into the Trans-Orange and the Transvaal during the Great Trek. to establish self-government.

It is evidently laid in the cradle for Afrikaners, to proceed in a similar way again and with a view to the realization of the same goal of Afrikaner self-government.

Three challenges for the Afrikaner against the background of the insights of NP van Wyk Louw: This is the first of three articles about the challenges facing the Afrikaner in the current times. It is viewed from the insights into the writing of the great Afrikaans writer, NP Van Wyk Louw, in 1952, 300 years after the arrival of Jan van Riebeeck at the Cape.